JEWISH WORLD

who are working tirelessly, under the most difficult circumstances, to improve respect for the human rights of the Romani minorities in their countries.” Meanwhile, a confidential 2005 U.S. State Department cable on “Romania’s ethnic Hungarians” echoed this assessment, noting that Eckstein-Kovacs founded several local human rights groups and “advocated strongly” for the restitu- tion of churches and other religious properties seized under commu- nism. The cable praised him as “a staunch advocate for minority rights” who “repeatedly criticized and opposed the actions of the for- mer extreme nationalist mayor of Cluj.” His liberal views eventually clashed with those of Romania’s Hungarians and their party. For example, Eckstein-Kovacs is per- haps best known for supporting LGBT rights — he’s advocated for legal partnerships for same-sex cou- ples and appeared at Cluj LGBT Pride events, and in 2008 was named Man of the Year by Roma- nia’s gay community. He also once even accused the center-right UDMR of being Romania’s most misogynistic party. This earned him scorn, even big- otry. As one Hungarian online com- menter put it: “Eckstein is a Jew and does not represent Hungarians.” E ckstein-Kovacs remained in the Senate until 2008. A year later, though, he broke ground as Romania’s first presidential adviser for minorities under Traian Base- scu. The UDMR had been clamor- ing for the position since 1990. “I was the one who was deciding how much the president was involved in those issues — so he got very involved,” Eckstein-Kovacs said, chuckling. Eckstein-Kovacs said he also got Basescu “very involved in relations with Israel.” Basescu made two official visits to Israel. After meeting with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and President Shimon Peres in 2014, Basescu declared that the Palesti- nians must recognize Israel as a Jewish state. “He had lunch with Netanyahu once and was also involved with the Palestinians. He had dinner with Abu Mazen [Mahmoud Abbas],” Eckstein-Kovacs said proudly. “Not in the same day, but he’s friends with everyone.” E ckstein-Kovacs served in the role until 2011, when he resigned over a proposed mining project in Transylvania that he said would threaten the environment and endanger nearby ancient archaeo- logical sites. After a series of subsequent unsuccessful runs for office, he resigned from the UDMR in 2018, citing the party’s “greed” and increasing servitude to Orban’s rul- ing right-wing Fidesz party. Eckstein-Kovacs has since re- turned to daily life in Cluj, giving up the 280-mile commute to Bucharest he made for 17 years. He’s still involved with the Tranzit House, a foundation and arts space now run by his wife, which houses “Cine îi recunoaste? Tudsz róluk? Missing 1944-2008” — an archival project commemorating the Holo- caust-era deportation of Cluj’s Jews. The remaining elderly Jews there use the foundation’s payments to support its work, such as main- taining Cluj’s other synagogue and the area’s Jewish cemeteries. But Eckstein-Kovacs continues to speak up publicly as well: He recently accused Fidesz of trying to “convert” Transylvania’s Hungari- ans to adopt the party’s ideas of conservatism, illiberalism and xe- nophobia toward non-Europeans. Meanwhile, Romanian politics are dominated mainly by the liberal Social Democratic Party and cen- trist National Liberal Party. Orban, who has used the coron- avirus crisis to secure staggeringly wide-ranging powers, has been accused of rhetoric that some find anti-Semitic — particularly when it has been in reference to George Soros, the Jewish billionaire and Holocaust survivor who has pro- moted several liberal causes in his native Hungary. E ckstein-Kovacs says he is devoted to pushing back against what he calls “popular anti- Semitism” in Romania. Rates of anti-Semitic incidents are low in Hungary, but some say that Orban has fostered an environment that is hostile to minorities. Several Romanian Jews told JTA that anti- Semitism here is mostly verbal rather than violent, but remains rel- atively widespread — an assess- ment echoed by six former U.S. ambassadors to Romania. “When people speak about Jews, they talk badly,” Eckstein-Kovacs said. “But it’s just talk. If you don’t know how to talk about people, you’ll just say bad things about them.” He’s happy to defend Romania’s Jews even when those who are attacking them are Hungarians — and friends. While serving as the presidential adviser for minorities, he was in charge of making proposals for returning nationalized buildings to the minority communities to which they belonged. Many of these buildings belonged to Jews, he said, even though the overwhelm- ing number of Romanian Jews are now in Israel. Eckstein-Kovacs still made sure the community got its buildings back. He’s happy to defend Romania’s Jews even when those attacking them are Hungarians — and friends. “One of the leaders of the Hungarian party called me by phone. He complained, ‘Why do you give so many buildings to the Jews? They’re almost gone, and we exist!’” Eckstein-Kovacs said. “I told him, ‘You’re an anti- Semitic shit!’ And he hung up the phone.” After two minutes, the Hungarian called back. “How can you call me an anti- Semite when my wife is Jewish?” he asked, to which Peter Eckstein- Kovacs responded, “Well, you’re an anti-Semitic shit with a Jewish wife!” Charles D. Dunst is a senior at Hamilton College, where he is edi- tor in chief of the student-run newspaper The Spectator. Romania continued from page 10 Orban has been accused of being anti- Semitic toward George Soros, who backed many liberal causes in Hungary. President Nicolae Ceausescu of Romania addresses a rally in Sfantu Gheorghe, circa 1975. “Why do you give so many buildings to the Jews? They’re almost gone!” And he replied, “You anti-Semitic s***!” 30 JEWISH WORLD • OCTOBER 2-8, 2020